Location, Location, Location-Part I

This Land is MY Land

After the completion of Fort George in 1715, the proprietors of the Pejepscot Company, who had a King’s grant to develop a large swath of land in mid-coast Maine, were ready to divide Brunswick and Topsham into saleable lots. They mapped out long narrow lots to provide water access for traveling, exporting lumber and furs, and importing supplies; and to keep the settlers’ homes close to one another for protection agains marauding Natives.

Some of this land had been abandoned by previous owners during King William’s War. (See They’re Baaack!) Now descendants of those earlier Pejepscot settlers scrambled to reclaim their family homesteads before they were sold to others. Two of those claimants were officers assigned to Fort George, Capt. John Gyles and Sgt. Samuel Eaton.

Capt. Gyles’ late father, Thomas, had owned properties in two communities, Pemaquid and at Pleasant Point in the newly named Topsham. Those places were not just pieces of land, but were the childhood homes of the captain and his siblings. This meant they knew others who had lived there at the same time. It must have taken some time to learn where each potential witness had relocated after fleeing Maine during the war, but over time the Gyles family was able to gather supporting testimony from several people who had known or worked for their father.


Image of Chief Terramoggus testimony in deed. https://archive.org/stream/yorkdeeds09main#page/590/mode/2up/ Accessed Nov. 19, 2016.

These witnesses included a slave; a former servant, possibly indentured; and a Native sagamore. Susannah, the “Negro” slave, confirmed Mr. Thomas Gyles’ possession of land at Pemaquid. Lydia Felt, the Gyles servant, testified to the boundaries of the earlier farm at Pleasant Point on Merrymeeting Bay. Lastly, Chief Terramoggus confirmed that his father, Darrumquin, originally sold the land to Mr. Gyles and cited the man’s intention to pass the Topsham land to his sons and his sons’ sons, in perpetuity.


Section of map “Plan of the Brunswick lots in 1741 and of the Topsham lots in 1768” from Wheeler.’ Accessed Jan. 10, 2017.

The result was that the Pejepscot Proprietors awarded Capt. Gyles two lots in Topsham on Merrymeeting Bay, including sixty acres of his father’s land at Pleasant Point and another five hundred and fifteen acres at Cathance Point. For the remainder of his assignment at Fort George, Gyles would make his home at Pleasant Point, Topsham.

Sgt. Samuel Eaton and his brother, Moses, sought to reclaim family land in Brunswick.  Some thirty-five years earlier their father, Joseph, and his partner, John Malcom, had regularly traveled from their northern Massachusetts homes, through New Hampshire, and up to Pejepscot to hunt and trap. The land they purchased from local Natives was probably at the most northeasterly point of their range where beaver was especially plentiful.


Beaver in snow. Image from Morguefile.com. Accessed Jan. 7, 2017.

Joseph Eaton and John Malcom likely had miles of iron traps and snares to tend along river and stream banks both above and below the waterline, in areas frequented by muskrat, mink, and beaver. Eaton and Malcom would have traveled along their entire trapline, dispatching each animal, releasing it from the iron jaws, and resetting the traps.

Back at their encampment, they rinsed off mud and debris before skinning the carcasses, then stretched the valuable waterproof pelts to dry. The American beaver was a particularly important commodity because its European cousin, whose pelts and fur were used for men’s hats, was now nearly extinct from over hunting. The partners also harvested the castor glands and oil sacs to use as lures in their traps, to make medicines, or to sell for use in perfume making. Leaving as little waste as possible, Eaton and Malcom used the fatty meat to make stew over a campfire or jerky to save for later sustenance.

As young lads, Samuel and Moses might have accompanied their father on these treks to the north and back. But, perhaps due to the transient nature of Joseph Eaton’s occupancy on Merrymeeting Bay, Sgt. Eaton was unable to find witnesses or deeds to support his claim.


North corner of Bank St. Image of 76 Maine St., Brunswick, Maine, from Google.com/maps. Accessed Dec. 29, 2016.

The brothers still intended to make the newly proclaimed Brunswick their home, so Sgt. Eaton contracted with the Proprietors for land located just yards from Fort George, on what is now the north corner of Maine and Bank Streets. The Eaton family would remain in mid-coast Maine for generations.

Slowly, ever so slowly, the new settlements of Brunswick and Topsham grew.

But, even if all fifteen soldiers at Fort George and all eight Proprietors settled their families here, there still wouldn’t be enough people to grow and process food, protect one another from invaders, provide marriage partners, or yield a profit from sale of the land and its resources. The Pejepscot Proprietors needed more people and they needed them now.

They turned to foreign immigrants.


Next Blog: Location, Location, Location-Part II: This Land WAS Your Land


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When Church Was State


While Capt. Gyles and company built Fort George, the Pejepscot Proprietors continued to plan the physical layout and municipal setup of the two towns on opposite banks of the Androscoggin River. These they named Brunswick, after the king’s Braunschweig family dynasty, and Topsham, after a town in Devon, the western English county from whence came many of Maine’s earliest settlers.

The Proprietor’s ancestors were Puritan business and political leaders in Massachusetts who believed God conferred upon them the right and duty to rule over inferior peoples and even the earth itself. Thus they saw commandeering Native lands, enslaving non-Christians, warring against Catholics, or otherwise controlling their world for their own benefit as God’s will.


Capt.John Wentworth, Public domain, Wikimedia Commons, Accessed Dec. 6, 2016.

This attitude was passed down to the current leadership of Brunswick and Topsham resettlement. Pejepscot Proprietor Capt. John Wentworth, for instance, only hired good Christian men for his crews, requiring ‘piety and faithful religious observances’ of all his sailors.

The first English settlers of Maine had been a mix of Puritans from the east coast of England who lived by strict rules and rougher sorts from England’s west coast who survived Maine’s harsh conditions by sometimes breaking those same rules. Mindful of the earlier lawless settlements, the Proprietors sought to protect their investment by facilitating moral behavior at the outset. To that end, they set aside three lots each in Brunswick and Topsham: one for a ministry, another for a school, and a third for the home of the first settled minister.

Brunswick’s one and only meeting-house would be financed by taxes, with additional funds from the Proprietors. The town-owned facility would be used for church services, as well as town meetings.

The Puritan bid to dominate the New World extended to the pagan Native peoples. While they attempted to convert the locals to their own Protestant religion, French colonial priests in Quebec and Maine were hard at work converting the Native peoples to Catholicism.


Jesuit Missionary, Public domain, Wikimedia Commons, Accessed Dec. 6, 2016.

Though enemies, these English and French settlers were known to one another and sometimes crossed paths. So it was that Joseph Baxter of Medfield, Mass., the Protestant minister appointed in 1717 by the Massachusetts General Court as missionary to Maine’s Native people, was acquainted with Catholic priest Father Sébastien Râle. The Jesuit priest had been the missionary to the Abenakis at Norridgewock on the Kennebec River since 1694. The two exchanged “heated correspondence” criticizing each other’s religion, but also each other’s countries.

In August 1717, Rev. Joseph Baxter and his wife, likely accompanied by their Negro slave Tony, sailed for Arrowsic Island in the wilderness of Maine. Soon after his arrival, Baxter preached to three Natives at the fort at Brunswick, with Capt. Gyles interpreting. One of his next tasks was to explain to the Natives that keeping the Sabbath holy meant they couldn’t fire their rifles on that day.


A Plan of Kennebek & Sagadahok Rivers by Thomas Johnston, 1754. Osher Map Library http://www.oshermaps.org/map/7404.0013. Accessed Dec. 10, 2016.

Over the next few months, Baxter travelled by sloop up and down rivers and along the coast from his home base in the Arrowsic/Georgetown area to other settlements: west to Brunswick, north to Richmond, east to the fort on the St. Georges River, southeast to Monhegan, and to points in between. He made progress in the Brunswick mission, his congregation having grown to “several” members who “seemed well pleased therein.”


Journal of the Rev. Joseph, Baxter. The New England Historical and Genealogical Register online database. Link below. Accessed Dec. 6, 2016.

By January, though, most of the Natives had left for winter quarters and Baxter’s audience had dwindled down to three “praying Indians.” That April, one of these congregants asked Baxter to the bedside of his dying wife. He noted in his journal that Capt Gyles translated his discourse about “the state of her soul, & directed her how to get prepared for death, and she seemed to be very well pleased with what was said to her.”

Baxter left Maine in early September 1718, he and his wife sailing to the port of Boston to return to his Medfield congregation.

Towards the end of Baxter’s stay in Maine, the Pejepscot Proprietors succeeded in attracting several new families to the area. These were Ulster Scots who had recently arrived in Massachusetts from their homes in Bann County, Ireland.

That November, the men of Brunswick, including the soldiers and the newly arrived Ulster Scots, voted at town meeting to engage a new minister, Reverend Mr. James Woodside, a Presbyterian from Bann County, Ireland. The witty and cheerful Woodside, feeling called to teach the “Eastern Salvages,” accepted the post.


First Parish Meeting House. Image from History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine. See Sources below.

The following year the settlers began building the meeting-house on Maquoit Road, halfway between Fort George and the new settlement at Maquoit, about a mile south of today’s First Parish Church. Though it would be several years before the town-owned building was completed, Brunswick had begun to evolve into the town that, three hundred years later, would boast some two-dozen churches, none of them town-owned.

Next Blog: Location, Location, Location


  • Baxter, Rev. Joseph. “Journal of the Rev. Joseph Baxter,” in The New England Historical and Genealogical Register. Boston, MA: New England Historic Genealogical Society, 1847-. (Online database: org, New England Historic Genealogical Society, 2001-2013.) https://www.americanancestors.org/databases/new-england-historical-and-genealogical-register/image/?volumeId=11581&filterQuery=databasename:register. Accessed Dec. 1, 2016.
  • Charland, Thomas. “RALE, SÉBASTIEN,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 2, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003-. http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/rale_sebastien_2E.html. Accessed Dec. 1, 2016,.
  • Johnston, Thomas. A Plan of Kennebek & Sagadahok Rivers, with the adjacent Coasts: taken from Actual Surveys, and dedicated to his Excely. William Shirley Esqr. Governor of Massachusets Bay Prov: in New England. To which is added a draught of the River La Chaudiere by a French Deserter the same Year. T. Kitchin sculpt. 1754. Osher Map Library and Smith Center for Cartographic Education, University of Southern Maine. Accessed Dec. 10, 2016.
  • McKeen, John. Four Lectures on the History of Brunswick. Brunswick, Curtis Memorial Library, 1985. Call No. 974-191.
  • Southicke, Cyprian. The Harbour of Casco Bay and Islands Adjacent. Richard Mount Thomas Page and Company, London, 1720. Norman B. Leventhal Map Center at the Boston Public Library. http://maps.bpl.org/id/17665. Accessed Oct. 10, 2016.
  • Wheeler, George Augustus Wheeler, MD. And Henry Warren Wheeler. History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine. Alfred Mudge & Son, Printers, Boston, Mass., 1878. http://community.curtislibrary.com/CML/wheeler/index.html, accessed July 30, 2016.
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Beyond the Grave: The more they come, the worse it is.

I started this blog to share the origins of a particular Brunswick cemetery or an interesting personal story of someone buried there. When I search beyond the graveyard to provide historical context to these stories, I sometimes gain new insight into my own biases and past experiences.

I’m taking a break from preparing my next installment on early Brunswick to share one of these ruminations in a new blog category called Beyond the Grave.



~ Each day my younger brother and I walked “home” from Longfellow School to our grandmother’s house to wait for our parents to pick us up after work. I remember sitting at her green formica kitchen table, drawing smiling teapots on the backside of pages from discarded Bowdoin College ledgers. Mémère always rocked in her padded chair, hooking cotton thread into a doily or lace, as she listened to The Edge of Night on the television.

As afternoon approached evening, we’d hear the door latch rattle, then feet scraping on hollow wooden steps, and finally the squeak of the kitchen door as one of my parents or aunts or uncles pushed their way in.

“The more they come, the worse it is,” Mémère would say to greet whichever grown child had come to pick us up, or deliver clean laundry for her to iron, or drop off a bunch of overripe bananas perfect for sweet sandwiches on buttered Wonder bread.

“The more they come, the worse it is.” Mémère’s standard greeting may have been a somewhat backhanded take on “the more the merrier” — that the more family members gathered in one place, the rowdier they got.

As I’ve learned more about America’s past, I’ve found a new meaning to my grandmother’s favorite saying, one that would have been familiar to her as the daughter of French Canadian Catholic immigrants living in Yankee Brunswick. To me today, “the more they come, the worse it is” represents Americans’ mistrust and fear of immigrants and migrants, that began in colonial times when the Protestant British and Catholic French brought their centuries-long enmity to the New World.

It took more than a century, but in their disparate ways the immigrant British and French eventually overwhelmed the original inhabitants. The British killed untold numbers of Natives through war and disease; the French subsumed the Native people and their culture through marriage. Those few Natives who remained were legally marginalized by the new order.

Each new wave of foreigners to our shores renewed our mistrust and fear. In the 1840s, Germans moved into the Midwest, then a decade later nearly one million mostly Catholic Irish fled famine in their homeland for the Eastern United States. In reaction to this influx, nativist Americans formed the Know-Nothing Party. They strove to legislate immigration restrictions, delay citizenship, and exclude foreigners from voting or public office.

Over the years, the German and Irish immigrants learned English, married Americans, and melted into American culture, adding pretzels and St. Patrick’s Day to the mix.

Meanwhile, since the early 1700s, the economic success of plantations in the New World had been earned through the forced labor of Native and African slaves in every part of the American colonies. As the country argued about slavery, the Know-Nothings fell apart. Anti-slavery members joined the Republicans and Southern members joined the pro-slavery Democratic Party.

In Maine, the small African American population had been easy to contain. In the tradition of ethnic minorities all over the U.S., most area African Americans settled near one another, in the farming community that stretched from East Brunswick into North Bath. By the 1840s, Brunswick whites distanced themselves from their black neighbors by segregating school attendance: whites in the summer and winter, blacks in the spring and fall.

After the Civil War, as industrialization replaced farming in the American economy, newly freed African Americans in the South made the most of their new citizenship. Some ran for public office, others migrated north to work in factories or for the railroads. Here in Maine, several African American families followed those jobs, migrating to other states. Some who remained changed their ethnic identities from black to white as intermarriage lightened the skin of each successive generation.

Immigrants from Portugal, China, and myriad other countries continued to arrive, bringing with them new languages, customs, and complexions. Enough was enough. In 1882 the American government passed the Chinese Exclusion Act to limit immigration. Then the 1903 Immigration Act legislated deportation of non-citizens from government-run facilities such as asylums and poor farms, leaving behind newly “orphaned” American-born children to be raised by “real” Americans.

From the middle of the nineteenth century, well into the twentieth, more than 900,000 French Canadians abandoned failing Quebec farms for Northeast factories. Some of the families clung to their culture and language, planning to return to Quebec when their finances improved. Others learned English, became citizens, and married into earlier Maine families. The French culture eroded partly from these marriages and partly when English-speaking factory bosses forbade workers from speaking French in the mill.

Then, in the 1920s, nativist Protestant whites in Maine joined the Ku Klux Klan. They held talks, picnics, and marched in parades to promote anti-Catholic, anti-African American, and anti-foreigner views. Their overt intimidation was brief, but the attitudes linger still.

Of course, as a white woman whose family has been here since the Mayflower, none of this really concerns me.

Does it?

Except, my own Native ancestors were subsumed by my French forefathers in Canada or killed by my British line in Maine. And one of my earliest Brunswick ancestors owned a slave. When her Portuguese mother was deported, my maternal grandmother was “orphaned”  and then raised by “real” Americans who, only a generation or two earlier, had fled famine in Ireland. In the 1800s, my mother’s Baptist ancestors on her father’s side marginalized Brunswick’s African American community, then broadened their prejudices to Mom’s Catholic family members, French, Portuguese, and Irish alike.

The cycle continues today here in Maine, with mistrust and fear of blacks from Somalia, Muslims from Africa or the Middle East, and Hispanics from beyond our southern border. Once again, some of my fellow citizens propose exclusion, as well as denial of rights and citizenship.

These latest immigrants, though, are from Africa, the Middle East, or Mexico and Central America so, really, none of this concerns me.

Except the weave of my DNA still holds African, Middle Eastern, and Spanish threads. I am the product of generations of migration, war, conquest, love and hate. I cannot deny others the opportunity to be here, now.

“The more they come, the worse it is?” I say, “the more, the merrier.”

~Barbara A. Desmarais, Nov.12, 2016


Next Blog: When Church Was State

Further reading:


© Barbara A. Desmarais 2016

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Men With No Names




When they tallied up wages for the building of Fort George, the Pejepscot Proprietors didn’t name three of the workers, though they did so for most of the tradesmen who constructed the fort and the ship captains who carried in the supplies, workers, and soldiers. The Proprietors, members of the wealthy merchant and governing class of the English colonies, didn’t name Benjamin Haley’s “man,” John Watts’ “boy,” and Hunniwell’s “negro” because the three occupied the very lowest positions in early 18th century New England society and, though their labor was integral to the success of the Fort George project, the Proprietors accorded them the same status as the horses and team of oxen.

The Proprietors were members of the wealthy merchant class who governed the English colonies, and therefore signed their names to incorporation documents, deeds, legislative records, and wills. The tradesmen’s status was a step down, but they certainly were named on deeds, marriage, and court records as they strove to rise into the upper echelon. Even the three men on the bottom rung of the social ladder may have been named elsewhere on documents of apprenticeship, indenture, wills, or bills of sale.


For instance, the unnamed “man” associated with Saco carpenter Benjamin Haley may have been his apprentice. Years before Haley had apprenticed under his own uncle and now it seems he was passing on that skill to his own “man.”

In the days before vocational and industrial schools existed, young men contracted themselves to skilled elder to learn their trade. The apprentice was sworn to obey his master, and the master was obligated to shelter, feed, and clothe his student. Usually the apprentice lived in the master’s own home. At the conclusion of perhaps three to six years of on-the-job training, the apprentice would have gained a valuable trade he could ply on his own, as well as a standing in the community over and above that of a common laborer.

If Haley’s “man” learned well from the master house-wright, he would have no end of work in the newly resettled Saco or Pejepscot areas. It wouldn’t be long before he could afford the extra mouth to feed and go on to sign papers to train an apprentice of his own.


Images from History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine. see Sources.


The “boy cooking the Pott” to feed the hungry soldiers and tradesmen building the fort may have been an indentured servant of one of the Pejepscot Proprietor John Watts, Esq.

Like apprenticeship, indentured servitude was a legal agreement between servant and master, but a more restrictive and uncertain one. These servants were often from poor families or were orphaned, living hand to mouth. They contracted to serve their master from four to seven years, at the end of which they would receive freedom papers, and, if they were really fortunate, money and land. Sadly, many of these young men and women were mistreated physically and emotionally. Though masters could be legally charged for mistreating their servants, they rarely were. The relationship was skewed to the master’s benefit. They could renew and change contracts annually, as well as extend then for even minor infractions. A master could sell his servant without consent and could also prevent the servant from marrying. Punishment for running away or for indentured women impregnated by their masters included years of additional servitude. Rather than face greatly extended indenture, some servants chose suicide.

One hopes John Watts’ “boy” was among the 60% of indentured servants who successfully earned freedom papers in their own names.



The carpenter’s “Man” and Watts’ “boy,” though legally bound to masters, at least had some hope of becoming free men and then living on their own, marrying, and being recognized as valuable members of their communities. This was not the case for mason Hunniwell’s “Negro.” The mason was probably Ambrose Hunniwell, who lived near Small Point (now Phippsburg). While employed by the family of Capt. Jonathan Belcher, a future governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, Hunniwell may have attained some wealth and status of his own. Either he or his employer had the wherewithal to own a slave in the person of the nameless “Negro” listed in the fort accounts.

Lest we assume this unnamed person was a free black man, we must consider that before the Revolutionary War, even in Massachusetts, the terms “Negro” and “servant” were usually synonymous with “slave.” British colonials viewed any non-Christian “servants” they imported into the colonies as slaves. In 1705, Virginia was the first to pass a law stating that ‘All Negro, mulatto, and Indian slaves…shall be held to be real estate.’



“I also give to my Wife my Coach & Harness with the Two Horses and my Servant Man Peter…” From Suffolk County, Massachusetts, Will of Thomas Hutchinson, 1739.


In 1739, Pejepscot Proprietor Thomas Hutchinson bequeathed his coach and horses to his wife, as well as his “servant man,” the slave named Peter, proving that, just like horses, slaves were property. Their masters and mistresses were free to treat them in any way they chose. Unlike an apprentice or an indentured servant, a slave had very little hope of earning freedom.

If Hunniwell’s “Negro” was ever named in a document, it was as an item in a bill of sale or a will.

The Pejepscot Proprietors’ report makes it clear that the town soon to become Brunswick was built by a cross-section of male British colonial society, including named men of wealth and status or critical trade skills, as well as an unnamed apprentice, indentured servant, and slave.

Soon they would be joined by a new wave of immigrants from Ireland: the men, women, and children known as the Ulster Scots.

The locals would not be far behind.



Next Blog: Beyond the Grave: The more they come, the worse it is.


  • Ancestry.com: Various including family genealogies and stories; birth, death, and marriage records.
  • Colonial Social Classes, Colonial Williamsburg, History.org. http://www.history.org/almanack/life/classes.cfm. Accessed Oct. 27, 2016.
  • Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. Jonathan Belcher, British Colonial Governor.com. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jonathan-Belcher. Accessed Oct. 27, 2016.
  • Eisenstark, Reyna. Jennifer L. Weber, general editor. Key Concepts in American History: Abolitionism. New York, Chelsea House, 2010. ISBN 978-1-60413-220-5.
  • Indentured Servants in the U.S., History Detectives Special Investigations, PBS. http://www.pbs.org/opb/historydetectives/feature/indentured-servants-in-the-us/. Accessed Oct. 27, 2016.
  • Schilling, Vincent. 6 Shocking Facts About Slavery, Natives and African Americans. 10/9/13. Indian Country Today Media Network. http://indiancountrytodaymedianetwork.com/2013/10/09/5-little-known-facts-about-african-americans-natives-and-slavery-17th-century-151664. Accessed Oct. 27, 2016.
  • Compiled by Shannon, Timothy J. Conditions of Indentured Servants. Exploring the Atlantic World, 1450 – 1850. edu. http://public.gettysburg.edu/~tshannon/hist106web/site18/Conditions%20of%20Indentured%20Servants2.htm. Accessed Oct. 27, 2016.
  • Snyder, Mark R. The Education of Indentured Servants in Colonial America, The Journal of Technology Studies. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/ejournals/JOTS/v33/v33n2/snyder.pdf. Accessed Oct. 27, 2016.
  • Suffolk County (Massachusetts) Probate Records, 1636-1899, Vol 32-34. Image of Thomas Hutchinson’s will, 1739. Probate Court (Suffolk County), Suffolk, Massachusetts. Ancestry.com. Massachusetts Wills and Probate Records, 1635-1991 [database online],. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2015. Accessed Oct. 27, 2016.
  • Wheeler, George Augustus Wheeler, MD. And Henry Warren Wheeler. History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine.Alfred Mudge & Son, Printers, Boston, Mass., 1878. Images of Pejepscot Proprietors’ cost of Fort George. http://community.curtislibrary.com/CML/wheeler/index.html. Accessed July 30, 2016.

© Barbara A. Desmarais 2016

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The Fort That John Built


The Harbour of Casco Bay and Islands Adjacent by Capt. Cyprian Southicke. 1720. Boston Public Library. Annoted by B. Desmarais.


The year was 1715. Some twenty years earlier, during King William’s War (1689-1697), Native American and French soldiers had forced the British to abandon some New England settlements. Now a Boston-based investment group strove to profit from the abandoned Pejepscot Plantation on Casco Bay in Maine.

Calling themselves the Pejepscot Proprietors, the eight men reached an agreement with the Massachusetts legislature to resettle the plantation. The legislature, in turn, agreed to provide £500 toward the construction of a new fort there, and to supply fifteen soldiers to man it.


The Harbour of Casco Bay and Islands Adjacent by Capt. Cyprian Southicke. 1720. Boston Public Library. Annotated by B. Desmarais.


That August, four New England sloops sailed up the Kennebec River and into the Androscoggin until they reached the first set of waterfalls. In those days the river accommodated vessels as large as sixty tons. They carried everything necessary to build a fort: men, a team of horses, building materials, tools, and food.

Capt. John Wentworth, one of the Pejepscot Proprietors, piloted a vessel from Piscatequa, New Hampshire, filled with almost 11,000 board feet of pine planks. Another sloop carried 500 bushels of shell lime and forty hogsheads of stone lime from Newbury, Mass. A third arrived from Boston with:

‘…Bricks, Shingles, Clapboards, Nails, Provisions, a horse Team, Six Wheelbarrows, Arms, Crows, Pickaxes, Mauls, Shovels, Blankets, Kettles, Pails, Dishes, Horse Cart, Ox Cart, and a pair of Trucks.’

The fourth sloop may have carried Capt. John Gyles and his fifteen soldiers. John Gyles was the same man who had survived a decade of enslavement as a prisoner during King William’s War.


Dead wood by Barbara A. Desmarais. August 31, 2016.


English settlers landing at Pejepscot a century before had heard eagles screaming from the tops of the ancient oaks that draped the shoreline. The new arrivals, though, saw embankments lined with blackened tree trunks, young saplings poking through the ruins. They disembarked onto a land ravaged by war, its plains barren, dotted here and there with small stands of pine.

Even the zigzag fort built some twenty-five years earlier was nothing but rubble. That’s because during the war, enemy troops commanded by Chief Obomsawin had dug an underground passage to Fort Andros, planning to place enough gunpowder beneath the wall to blow it up. Though the English had interrupted the excavation, the Natives eventually took possession of the compound and demolished it.


Steelyards by Augustin Privat-Deschenel, 1884. Florida Center for Technology.


Physical evidence of Obomsawin’s campaign remained for nearly two centuries. The tunnel’s depression was still visible after the Revolutionary War. Still later, when nineteenth century diggers removed the last of the stone from the site, they uncovered the skeleton of a man with a gun and a pair of steelyards (scales) beneath the remains of a chimney, presumably a soldier or settler killed during battle.

The site for the new fort was mainly ledge, perhaps to prevent tunneling underneath. Where there was no ledge, masons used flat stones mortared with lime to build the foundation three feet below ground. They may have recycled material from the crumbled Fort Andros.

It wasn’t long before the locals protested this latest English attempt to settle Pejepscot. Gyles was in no way dissuaded by the Native Americans before him. He wrote some years later:

Soon after our arrival there the Indians came in the night, and forbid our laying one stone upon another. I told them I came with orders from Governor Dudley to build a fort, and if they disliked it they might acquaint him with it; and that if they came forcibly upon us, they or I should fall on the spot. After such like hot words they left us, and we went on with our building…


Fort George, Brunswick by Daniel Stone. 1878. http://community.curtislibray.com/CML/wheeler/ww_pt2_ch23.html


And so, the work continued. Masons built three-foot thick, ten-foot high walls to form a fifty-by-fifty foot square. To this they added two bastions or projections for better defense, with space atop the wall to mount cannon. Within the fort, they erected a two-story house large enough to house the soldiers, plus future settlers, in the event of an attack.

After the foundations were completed, carpenters added two wooden half-bastions to the fortification. Then they finished the house, shingling the roof, building doors, window frames, and other fittings, and likely the furniture used by the occupants. (The house is in the center of the drawing, peeking above the surrounding walls.)



Finally, on November 25th, 1715, Capt. John Gyles ordered his soldiers to raise the flag of their homeland over Fort George. Named for Great Britain’s newly crowned king, a German who spoke no English, the fort that John built was ready to protect the next wave of British immigrants.

Next Blog: Men with No Names


  • Gyles, John. Introduction by Hannay, James. Nine years a captive, or, John Gyles’ experience among the Malicite Indians, from 1689 to 1698. Saint John, N.B.? : s.n. 1875. Internet Archive.  https://archive.org/stream/cihm_24033, accessed Sept. 3, 2016.
  • Johnson, Ben, editor. Kings and Queens of England and Britain, Historic UK. http://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/KingsQueensofBritain/, accessed Oct. 11, 2016.
  • McKeen, John. Four Lectures on the History of Brunswick. Brunswick, Curtis Memorial Library, 1985. Call No. 974-191.
  • Privat-Deschanel, A.(ugustin) Elementary Treatise on Natural Philosophy Part I. Mechanics, Hydrostatics, and Pneumatics. D. Appleton and Company, New York, 1884, 40. Florida Center for Instructional Technology. http://etc.usf.edu/clipart/53300/53379/53379_steelyard.htm, accessed Sept. 15, 2016.
  • Southicke, Cyprian. The Harbour of Casco Bay and Islands Adjacent. Richard Mount Thomas Page and Company, London, 1720. Norman B. Leventhal Map Center at the Boston Public Library. http://maps.bpl.org/id/17665, accessed Oct. 10, 2016.
  • Wheeler, George Augustus Wheeler, MD. And Henry Warren Wheeler. History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine. Alfred Mudge & Son, Printers, Boston, Mass., 1878. http://community.curtislibrary.com/CML/wheeler/index.html, accessed July 30, 2016.

© Barbara A. Desmarais 2016



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They’re Baaack!

After King Philip’s War

In 1675 and ’76 during King Philip’s War (aka Metacom’s Rebellion) [1], local Native Americans across New England attempted to rout English colonists. The local Natives of Merrymeeting Bay, weary of ill treatment by the settlers, attacked the immigrants, burned their homes, and drove them from Pejepscot Plantation [2]. (see Foreigners at Pejepscot)

New & Old World Uconn 1763final

European Colonies & Dependencies 1763. By Poole, Reginald Lane. Annotated by this author.

When Englishman Thomas Gyles and his family left their Pejepscot farm, however, it wasn’t because of the war. It was so Gyles could sail to England to settle his late father’s estate.

Aboard ship, the family shared crowded space below decks with the crew and other passengers, as well as cargo that may have included Maine lumber, furs, and dried fish. After a journey that may have lasted as long as three months, tossed about by foul weather, and hungered by spare rations, the crew and passengers arrived in England thinner and worse for the wear.

Gyles spent the ensuing weeks or months navigating England’s vast estate laws. Once all his father’s property and investments were inventoried, assessed, and distributed, Thomas Gyles, Esq. had become a wealthy man.

He and his family set sail from London to Boston, on yet another 3000-mile months-long journey in rough conditions. He hoped to return to his home on the Pejepscot River, but arrived to find the plantation abandoned by his countrymen. Instead, he joined the long-standing Pemaquid settlement some twenty-three miles to the west. The devout Puritan bought multiple tracts of land, hired workers, and started farming once again.

In 1682, he was appointed chief justice of the settlement. To Gyles’ dismay, the Pemaquid colonists had been left on their own for decades and now paid little heed to laws or religious traditions such as keeping the Sabbath. He struggled to bring some order to the area, at times spending his own funds to better the community. Still, Gyles and his family were content and his farms thrived.

Fort Andros to Fort Pentagouet — And Back Again

While Thomas Gyles built up his holdings at Pemaquid, new investors bought the abandoned properties on Merrymeeting Bay. In 1688, the moneymen and their new settlers asked New England’s governor, Edmund Andros, to protect the fledgling community from attacks by the local Native Americans and their French allies. In response, that winter Andros and his soldiers arrived on the banks of the Pejepscot River to build a stone fort. (see Foreigners at Pejepscot)

Fort Andros to Pentagouet

Map of Maine. eTravelMaine.com, 1999. Annotated by this author.

Just weeks later, in April that same year, Andros and his soldiers sailed the frigate Rose   northeast to the Bagaduce River, in response to continued skirmishes between the English settlers and the allied French and Native locals.

The Native territory on the banks of the Bagaduce River and Penobscot Bay was rich in resources and water access, which is why the French, Dutch, and English periodically battled one another over its possession. At the end of King Philip‘s War, French military officer Baron Jean-Vincent d’Abbadie de St. Castine had spearheaded the recapture of the peninsula from the Dutch, after they had destroyed Fort Pentagouet there.


Baron Jean-Vincent d’Abbadie de St. Castine. By Will H. Low, 1880.

The Baron held close familial ties with the local Abenakis, who had adopted him into their fold. He married Pidianske, the daughter of Penobscot Chief Madackawondo. They lived on the shore of the Bagaduce River where they operated a trading post.

When Andros and his soldiers landed, they headed straight for de Castine’s house and trading post. They could have gone there to reconcile with the French and Abenaki leader, but the English and French had been at war in the colonies for most of the 1600s. Instead, the governor led the soldiers in robbing the Baron’s house.

This was the start King William’s War.

The battle spread throughout Maine. The following spring at Pejepscot, the Natives burned every building down to the ground and took possession of the newly built Fort Andros. Over the next decade, the Natives attacked every English settlement in Maine, save Kittery, York, Wells, and the Isle of Shoal–all near the New Hampshire border. One thousand English settlers were killed.

Nine Years a Slave in New France

On August 2nd in 1689, thirty to forty Maliseet Natives Americans [3] from the St. John Valley to the north of Maine attacked the Gyles homestead. After they shot Thomas several times, he knew he would not recover from his rapid blood loss. The Native warriors allowed Thomas to pray with his sons, ten-year-old John and fourteen-year-old James, then the Natives took Thomas out of his family’s sight and silently killed him.

John, James, their mother Margerite, and their two younger sisters, Mary and Margaret, were taken captive. John’s eldest and youngest brothers, Thomas Jr and Tad, both escaped. The Maliseets torched the village and fort at Pemaquid, then took their prisoners to nearby New Harbor.

Mrs. Gyles and her daughters were eventually released and reunited with her escaped sons, Thomas Jr and Tad. James died after three years in captivity when he, too, attempted to escape. Ten-year-old John, however, would live in slavery for nine years.

For the first six years, John Gyles was slave to the Maliseets in New France. He shared their somewhat nomadic existence, travelling according to the seasons, planting corn, hunting and fishing. John and his masters often subsisted on wild grapes and roots. Occasionally they feasted on moose. John Gyles longed for English clothes instead of the fur-bare moose-skin coat he wore during his enslavement by the Natives, and English food instead of the roots and berries usually available to him.

Pejepscot to Jemseg

Map of Maine. eTravelMaine.com, 1999. Annotated by this author.

When John was sixteen, he was sold to a Catholic Frenchman, Seigneur Louis d’Amours de Chaufours. John’s Protestant mother had instilled in him an abiding fear of Catholics, having told him it would be better to die than be tortured by the Papists. John Gyles thought now he was in the hands of the devil and would surely be killed.

To his great surprise, the nobleman and his wife Marguerite treated their handsome, light-haired slave as a son. Madame sewed him clothes and taught him French. John, in turn, taught her English. He had his own quarters, hunted and trapped alone, and was free to wander as he chose on Chaufours’ estate, Jemseg [4].

When the Siegneur of Jemseg sailed to France for several months on business, he left his family and estate in the care of his slave John. It was a wise move. Just days after Chaufours left, the English attacked the area. John had the other slaves hide the family’s valuables in the woods in case the buildings were set afire. He also nailed a letter to the front door of the main house, saying in English that the household had treated their English captives with kindness, had released some, and would release the captive John when he so desired. John and Marguerite both signed the notice.

Gyles, John signature ed

From Nine Years a Captive by John Gyles.

In the end, the letter saved Jemseg, for the English spared the entire estate.

When de Chaufours returned from France, he offered John the choice between two freedoms. One was to leave immediately for Boston to reunite with his Gyles family; the other was to remain at Jemseg as de Chafours’ son and heir. It was an easy choice for John Gyles. On June 13, 1698, he boarded an English sloop, arriving in Boston just five days later. There John reunited with his brothers, Thomas and Tad, and his sisters, Mary and Margaret. Sadly, their mother had died some years before.

Return to Pejepscot

Native burial edit

Native American burial or memorial ceremony, New France. 1619. Library of Congress.

The following January, the English and the Abenakis met at Mair Point at the southern tip of Pejepscot near a place traditionally thought to be a Native American burial ground. There they exchanged prisoners and formally confirmed a peace treaty made earlier at Pemaquid. King William’s War was over.

For the next several years John Gyles used his extensive knowledge of Native languages and customs as an interpreter for civilian and English military employers, traveling throughout New England and New France. One assignment brought him back to the place his father Thomas had settled forty-six years earlier.

In August 1715, Capt. John Gyles received grand promises of land and money from the Pejepscot Proprietors, and military orders from Governor Dudley to build a new stone fort at Pejepscot.

Next Blog: The Fort that John Built


  1. King Philip’s War and Metacom’s Rebellion (1675-1676) are alternate names for the Native American’s effort to oust English settlers from southern New England. Metacom was the Pokunoket chief who led the uprising. He was called King Philip by the English.
  2. Plantation here means new settlement or colony. http://www.dictionary.com/browse/plantation, accessed Sept. 3, 2016.
  3. For simplicity’s sake the author has used Native American to describe the indigenous people of both the United States and Canada, though the current Canadian term is First Nations.
  4. Jemseg, New Brunswick, Canada.


  • eTravelMaine.com. Map of Maine. 1999 – 2013. Accessed August 27, 2016. http://www.etravelmaine.com/map-of-maine/.
  • Gyles, John. Introduction by Hannay, James. Nine years a captive, or, John Gyles’ experience among the Malicite Indians, from 1689 to 1698. Saint John, N.B.? : s.n. 1875. Internet Archive. Accessed Sept. 3, 2016. https://archive.org/stream/cihm_24033
  • History.com Staff. King Philip’s War. A+E Networks. History.com Accessed Sept. 8, 2016. http://www.history.com/topics/native-american-history/king-philips-war.
  • Library of Congress. Native American burial or memorial ceremony with man standing by shelter with bundle of bones, friends and relatives of the dead, and lodge in background, New France (Canada). 1619. Illus. in Call No. F1030.1.C448 [Rare Book RR]. Accessed August 20, 2016. http://www.loc.gov/pictures/items/90705835.
  • Low, Will H. Imagined likeness of Baron St. Castin. December 31, 1880. Wilson Museum Archives. Accessed August 27,2016. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:BaronDeStCastin1881byWill_H_Lowe_Wilson_Museum_Archives.jpg.
  • McKeen, John. Four Lectures on the History of Brunswick. Brunswick, Curtis Memorial Library, 1985. Call No. 974-191.
  • Poole, Reginald Lane. Historical atlas of modern Europe from the decline of the Roman empire author: 1763 map European Colonies & Dependencies. Clarendon Press; London; New York: H. Frouwde, 1896-1902. Babbidge Map Library Double Oversize-NonCirculating-Level 4. Call Number: G1796.S1 H5 1896. Accessed Sept. 3, 2016. https://www.flickr.com/photos/uconnlibrariesmagic/6813108397.
  • Vinton, John Adams. Thomas Gyles and his neighbors, 1669-1689. Boston, D. Clapp & son, printers. 1867. Internet Archive. Accessed Sept. 3, 2016. https://archive.org/stream/thomasgyleshisne00vint.
  • Wheeler, George Augustus Wheeler, MD. And Henry Warren Wheeler. History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine. Alfred Mudge & Son, Printers, Boston, Mass., 1878. Accessed July 30, 2016. http://community.curtislibrary.com/CML/wheeler/index.html.

© Barbara A. Desmarais 2016



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Foreigners at Pejepscot



Androscoggin from Topsham side

Pejepscot River from Topsham looking toward Brunswick. Barbara A. Desmarais, July 24, 2016.


Four hundred years ago, the locals called the Androscoggin, from Merrymeeting Bay to the falls at Lewiston, the Pejepscot River. The tidal river between Topsham and Brunswick was named after a long-ago native people.

Even by the 1600s, foreigners had been exploring and fishing along those shores for many years. One sailor, whose team rowed a whaling boat up the Pejepscot, described the “scenery [as] wild and romantick.”* Huge oaks leaned over the water, creating sheltering coves. A bald eagle screamed a warning as the craft glided on the incoming tide, later diving silently to the river’s surface, then rising with a fish in its talons. Silver sturgeon longer than a man is tall leaped up and out of the water, as they had been doing since prehistoric times. Salmon teamed just beneath the surface. Ponds, large and small, formed behind beaver damns along the shore. Dusk brought a red wolf to a meadow’s edge, a white-tailed deer in its sights.



Red wolf stalking deer. B. Crawford, USFWS, 2004.


Between 1628 and 1675, Englishman Thomas Purchase and his family profited greatly from the area’s natural abundance. He traded with the locals for furs and beaver pelts, as well as lumber. His crew fished for salmon and sturgeon. These were processed for storage, perhaps on Fish House Hill, near the site of today’s Daniel Stone Inn on Brunswick’s Water Street. The men burned the plentiful wood to dry their catch – once packing thirty-seven barrels of salmon and ninety kegs of sturgeon in three weeks. They would have dried more, but they ran out of salt to cure the fish.


Size: H60 x W39.5 cm

Fish Hill between Water, Stone, and Woodlawn Streets, 1871. Oshermaps.org.


Two hundred years later, in 1856, workers grading Woodlawn Street below the Stone property unearthed two European skeletons. These may have been two of Purchase’s fishermen, making Fish Hill one of the first European burying grounds in Brunswick.

Over the next forty years, English settlements grew on both sides of the Pejepscot as locals sold and resold land rights. In 1669, Thomas Gyles and his brother James sailed from the port of Boston to buy land at Pleasant Point on the Topsham shore. It wouldn’t be long, though, before Gyles, Purchase, and others abandoned their water-view homes.


Pleasant Point 11-0386a

Pleasant Point on Merrymeeting Bay, 1970. National Archives.


On June 24, 1675, King Philip’s War commenced at the Plymouth Colony. By September that year, the battle reached Pejepscot. Though the Natives had initially bartered pelts, fish, and timber with the settlers, years of being cheated by Purchase and otherwise misused by the English had eroded friendly relations between the two groups.

A party of twenty Native Americans, finding Purchase and his son away from their home, robbed the dwelling, taking weapons, powder for the guns, and liquor; and ripping up the feather beds. They also “killed a calf and several sheep.”* The war party, however, did not harm Mrs. Purchase or the others at the home.

Just a few days later, twenty-five settlers sailed down river to New Meadows to help Purchase harvest corn. There they found several Native Americans plundering houses, as well as three lookouts in the woods. The lookouts fled toward the river, but the English shot and killed one man, and wounded a second who escaped by canoe. When the settlers completed their harvest, the Natives attacked, wounding several Englishmen. The Natives loaded their canoes with freshly harvested corn and went back home.

The following year, after the Natives burned down Purchase’s home, he and most of the other English settlers left Pejepscot.

After the war ended in 1676, the land abandoned by the settlers was bought by investors like Mr. Richard Wharton, who received a deed for the use of much of the land and waterways of Pejepscot in July of 1684. Wharton met with six local leaders at the Fort at Pejepscot, on an island on the Topsham shore.

Screen Shot 2016-07-30 at 1.57.14 PM

Image from Wheelers’ “History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell,” 1878.*


The six local grantors, Warumbee, Darumkine, Wihikermet, Wedon Domhegon, Nehonongasset, and Numbenewet, were Native American “Sagamores.” It was their ancestors who had granted land to Purchase, the Gyles brothers, and other English foreigners years earlier.

Peace between the Natives and the foreigners lasted a decade. In mid-winter, at the beginning of King William’s War in 1688, New England’s Governor Andros and one thousand soldiers sailed to Pejepscot. Andros found ‘the weather…exceedingly cold, the snow deep, and the travelling exceedingly tedious.’* He ordered his men to build a large stone fort on a high point overlooking the Brunswick side of Pejepscot falls.

Despite the safety promised by the shelter of Fort Andros, the settlers once again left for safer locales. Only the garrisoned soldiers remained.

Periodically, the locals united with French foreigners to battle the English foreigners. There would be other skirmishes and another war before the Pejepscot Proprietors were able to entice families to come back to Pejepscot.

Next Blog: They’re Baaack! 


  • Desmarais, Barbara A. Pejepscot River from Topsham looking toward Brunswick. July 24, 2016. Digital Image. Androscoggin from Topsham side.jpg.
  • Flickr.com. Red wolf watching deer at Cades Cove – Great Smoky Mountain. 2004. Color image,  B. Crawford, USFWS, https://www.flickr.com/photos/trackthepack/6350, accessed July 30, 2016.
  • National Archives. Environmental Protection Agency: RG:412. Pleasant Point on Merrymeeting Bay in the Brunswick Area Near the Confluence of the Androscoggin sand Kennebec Rivers. 12.2/1970. DOCUMERICA: The Environmental Protection Agency’s Program to Photographically Document Subjects of Environmental Concern. National Archives Identifier: 550750. Local Identifier: 412-DA-8265. Pleasant Point 11-0386a.gif. https://catalog.archives.gov/search?q=androscoggin%20river, accessed July 26, 2016.
  • Osher Map Library. Brunswick Village Town of Brunswick from Cumberland County Atlas. Brunswick, Maine. Anonymous/No Author, 1871. Accession No: OML-1871-10. http://www.oshermaps.org/map/11717.0001, accessed July 30, 2016. .
  • *Wheeler, George Augustus Wheeler, MD. And Henry Warren Wheeler. History of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, Maine. Alfred Mudge & Son, Printers, Boston, Mass., 1878. http://community.curtislibrary.com/CML/wheeler/index.html, accessed July 30, 2016.



Posted in Brunswick History | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 4 Comments